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Neal McCluskey

This morning NPR published an interview with Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-TN), the presumptive next chair of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee. Unfortunately, if you were hoping the new GOP Senate would move decisively in the right direction on education, you may be disappointed. While the interview suggests we could see a moderate move in the right direction at the k-12 level, there is little reason for hope in higher or early childhood education.

For elementary and secondary education Alexander certainly says the right thing – the states should be in charge – and it is better that federal funds be block granted with few rules attached than delivered via numerous, micromanaged streams. So he is moving in the right direction when he says under a Republican plan, “Tennessee, Texas or New York would decide what the academic standards would be, what the curriculum would be, what to do about failing schools and how to evaluate teachers.” His general inclination is also right when he says he wants to “give states the option — not mandate — to take federal dollars and let those dollars follow children to the schools they attend.” Empowering parents beats simply feeding government monopoly schools.

Unfortunately, moving somewhat in the right direction isn’t the same as doing the clearly right thing. The Constitution does not allow federal funding of education (outside of D.C. and federal installations), nor does the record indicate that federal funding is educationally effective. The feds should therefore get out of education, including abandoning plans to provide private school choice, which if voucherized would eventually deliver stultifying federal rules and regulations to private schools nationwide.

Alas, things only go downhill in the interview after tackling k-12.

On higher education, as I feared, Alexander gives no indication he will do what must be done to address colossal waste and crippling price inflation: significantly reduce student aid. Indeed, what he seems most intent on doing is simplifying the Federal Application for Federal Student Aid, which makes sense from a paperwork-reduction standpoint but might actually lead to more aid flowing from Washington as more people complete aid applications. At least, though, Alexander recognizes the danger of the federal government trying to rate all of the nation’s postsecondary institutions, ranging from “Nashville Auto-Diesel College…[to] Harvard.”

And then there is pre-kindergarten. Again, Alexander rightly warns about federal micromanagement, but he seems to fully accept that Washington should be spending tens-of-billions of dollars on pre-k. Indeed, he states that, “The question is not whether early childhood education is a good idea. It’s how best to encourage it.” But the question absolutely is – or at least should be – whether early childhood education is a good idea. As the Cato Policy Analysis published last month by George Mason University professor David J. Armor made abundantly clear, the pre-k research simply does not support the conclusion that early childhood programs work, and talking like it is a settled issue does not make it so.

Based on this one interview, the good news is that Senate Republicans might try to make horrible federal education policy a little bit better. The bad news is that something made a little less horrible is still awfully bad.

Doug Bandow

It’s easy to be pessimistic about the future of liberty.  Yet sometimes freedom advances with extraordinary speed.  Like 25 years ago in Europe.

As 1989 dawned communism had ruled what was the Russian Empire reborn for seven decades.  The system failed to fulfill its promise of human liberation, but survived with the backing of secret police, gulags, and the Red Army.

Then in an instant it all was swept away.  On November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall was open.  One of the most dramatic symbols of human tyranny was gone. 

Tens of thousands of East Germans were imprisoned for “Republikflucht,” or attempting to flee the East German paradise.  Some 1000 people died trying to escape East Germany, about 200 from Berlin.

As 1989 dawned there was obvious unrest in what Ronald Reagan had called the Evil Empire.  Hope was rising, but no one could forget that previous popular demands for freedom always had been crushed by Soviet tanks. 

In 1989 Hungary led the way.  Plans were made for multiparty elections.  The Communist Party dissolved.  When the new leadership tore down Hungary’s wall with the West the Iron Curtain had a huge hole.

Poland’s communist regime made a deal with a revived Solidarity Union and held free elections.  The liberal tide rose in Czechoslovakia, sweeping away the hardline leadership installed to squelch the Prague Spring of 1968.

The East German regime remained tough.  Frustrated East Germans began escaping through Hungary, with its open border. 

Protests spread, causing the communist leadership to temporize.  On November 4 a million people gathered in East Berlin. 

On November 9 visibly struggling Politburo member Guenter Schabowski declared that East Germans would be free to travel to the West “immediately.”  Border guards desperately sought guidance as tens of thousands of people gathered demanding to be let through. Just before midnight the security forces stood aside. 

The rest of the European communist dictatorships soon fell.  These revolutions were mostly peaceful.  But Romania capped the year with the Christmas Eve execution of Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu, the most odious members of Communism’s ruling menagerie. 

The transition from totalitarian communism to democratic capitalism turned out to be far more difficult than most anyone expected.  But it is important not to forget how awful communism truly is.  The Black Book of Communism figured the overall death toll to be more than 100 million.  In Death By Government the late R.J. Rummel estimated the butcher’s bill to be nearly 160 million. 

As I point out in the Freeman, “we should celebrate a quarter century after the collapse of communism.  The events of 1989 represent a massive increase in liberty, a fantastic triumph of the human spirit.  With so little bloodshed everyday people ousted a gaggle of tyrannies.  They have given hope for future generations, and themselves, that freedom can emerge against seemingly impossible odds.”

There were many heroes in the battle for liberty.  Particularly important were Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan.  The former ended the Soviet police state and kept the Red Army in its barracks as the Soviet satellites fell out of orbit. 

Ronald Reagan understood that communism was morally evil.  On June 12, 1987 he stood in front of the Brandenburg Gate and said:  “General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization:  Come here to this gate!  Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate!  Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”  But Reagan did something else equally important:  he recognized that Gorbachev was different than previous Soviet leaders and would be willing to accept the opening of the Berlin Wall.

There is much today to frustrate those who believe in liberty.  Yet we must not give up hope.  May the spirit of liberty from 1989 remain strong among us.

 

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